Peter Dreier 
 https://jacobin.com/2022/09/barbara-ehrenreich-activism-writing-socialism
 
Katha Pollitt's obit in The Nation:  https://www.thenation.com/article/society/barbara-ehrenreich/
 
Steve Tarzynsky 
https://www.dsausa.org/democratic-left/barbara-ehrenreichgroundbreaking-critic-of-u-s-health-care%ef%bf%bc/

 
https://www.dsausa.org/democratic-left/remembering-barbara-ehrenreich-1941-2022/

The recorded session is  here: https://youtu.be/v64q9gu5nEI

This Labor Day, we’re reflecting on the progress made and the work still to be done in the fight for what Black workers deserve. Then, we’re kickin’ it with the National Black Workers Center for their “Don’t Get Angry, Get Organized” Black Labor Day Event, from 12–7:30 PM ET today! (View the schedule, then register here.)

Less than 20 years after enslaved Black people in Galveston, Texas, were notified of the Emancipation Proclamation, the first Labor Day was observed on Tuesday, September 5, 1882, in New York City. Though there was irony in honoring the labor of the 12-hour shifts that white Americans of the time were working while Black people were laboring under even harsher conditions despite the end of slavery, the holiday has come to represent the intersectionality of working-class people across all races. In 1882, the average work day was 12 hours and the week had no weekends; children were obligated to work to support their families instead of focusing on their education or their childhood, and many, especially Black and brown people, faced incredibly unsafe working conditions.

By Chris Riddiough

(Aug 31, 2022) In his response to Gong and French and Abbott and Duhalde, Max Sawicky writes, “The unpleasant truth is that DSA is snow-white, and the U.S. working class is not.” I would add another element to that. Not only is the working class not ‘snow-white,’ the group of DSA elected officials is not snow-white either. Why is this? Why is an organization that is so predominantly white represented in elected office by people who are very diverse? I don’t think it’s because of a conscious effort by the National Electoral Committee or by the chapters.

Max goes on to say, “I happen to think there are many black socialists…” and I would agree with him. And I would agree with another statement he makes – that calling on someone else to do something, as Gong and French do, is a non-starter. So, the question is what do we do?

Our North Star caucus will begin discussion of resolutions we hope to propose at the national convention next year. These are draft proposals from individual caucus members, not finalized positions. They are in no way official positions or proposals of the caucus, nor are they the result of any selection process. Save the link to this entry. As more suggestions come in, we will add them to this post. As usual, comments are open.

I.

“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to expand and create more participation in a more democratic DSA,
BE IT RESOLVED:  
(Amended portions are marked in bold and deleted portions are marked as  (delete    ). 
Constitution - Article VIII. National Political Committee
Section 2.
The members of the NPC shall be one representative of the Youth Section and 24 (delete '16') delegates elected at the national convention.    Of the elected members, no more than eight shall be men, at least eight shall be women, and at least eight (delete 'five') shall be racial or national minority members and for all genders of DSA. In the event that these minority positions are not filled at the Convention, the position(s) shall be filled by the NPC, except that only minority members of DSA may be elected to fill such vacancies. In case of other such vacancies, except a vacancy of the Youth Section Representative, the NPC shall appoint a member of the organization in good standing to serve until the next Convention. No person shall serve simultaneously on the National Staff and the NPC.
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“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to have a clear definition of membership in the DSA for identity and rights as a member,
BE IT RESOLVED:  
(Amended portions are marked in bold and deleted portions are marked as  (delete    ). 
 
By-Laws - Article I. Membership

Section 1.
Applicants for membership in the organization shall agree with the principles of the organization and pay annual dues (good for 12 calendar months).

Section 2.
Members will receive the organizational outreach publication. Members are encouraged to participate in political activities and education. New members will receive a membership card, and renewing members shall receive such a card upon request. Members will receive information on National policy from the National Office. A member is in good standing only if their payment of dues is current. Only members in good standing are eligible to hold office in the organization.   (delete   Membership in the organization may be maintained by persons who are up to one-year arrears in dues. Such members may cure their arrears and place themselves in good standing by paying their dues. )

Section 3.
Members can be expelled if they are found to be in substantial disagreement with the principles or policies of the organization or if they consistently engage in undemocratic, disruptive behavior or if they are under the discipline of any self-defined democratic-centralist organization. Members facing expulsion must receive written notice of charges against them and must be given the opportunity to be heard before the NPC or a subcommittee thereof, appointed for the purpose of considering expulsion.    “Member” or “dues paying membership” or “members fully paid up” is defined and includes a person who is current on their national dues to the DSA (good for 12 calendar months), or has their membership fee waived or reduced with  just cause  approved by the NPC, and who has not been expelled.  
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“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to expand and create more participation in a more democratic DSA for at large delegates,
BE IT RESOLVED:  
((Amended portions are marked in bold and deleted portions are marked as  (delete    ). 
 
By-Laws - Article VI. National Conventions

Section 1.
Delegates to the National Convention shall be apportioned based on the dues-paying membership of the organization (delete (including all members up to one-year arrears in dues).) Delegate to member ratios shall be set by the NPC at least 6 months before the Convention, except in the case of Special Conventions, where such ratios shall be set by the NPC as soon as possible after the Convention is called.
 
 
By-Laws - Article VI. National Conventions 

Section 2.   
Elections for at-large delegates shall be conducted by the NPC. A call for candidates for at-large delegates shall be sent to all at-large members not less than three months and not more than five months prior to the opening date of the Convention. Two months prior to the Convention a ballot containing the names of the delegate candidates shall be sent to at-large members. This ballot shall contain instructions regarding the number of delegates to be elected, voting procedures and date for the counting of ballots. Ballots shall be counted at the National Office one month prior to the Convention. No more than one-third (delete one-half )of the available positions for at large delegates may be available to men, no more than one- third of the available positions for at large delegates may be available to women, and no more than one-third (delete one-fifth) of the available positions (all genders) must be reserved for national and racial minorities.    Each of the three ballots, one for men, one for women, and one for (all genders) and for national and racial minorities, shall be conducted via “ranked choice voting.”  Those candidates who have been elected shall be immediately informed of their election by the National Office. 
 

 
“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to make the DSA National Conventions more accessible to its members,  
BE IT RESOLVED:  
(Amended portions are marked in bold). 
By-Laws - Article VI. National Conventions 
Section 5.
National Conventions shall be held in a location decided on by the NPC at least a year in advance of the convention, while continuing our practice of only patronizing union-staffed hotels or convention sites.     The National Convention must also be conducted using ZOOM and/or Skype and/or similar technology to avail itself to the general membership of the DSA.
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“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to have DSA practice democracy by expanding decision making,    
BE IT RESOLVED:  
(Amended portions are marked in bold). 
By-Laws - Article VI. National Conventions 
Section 6.
The NPC shall consist of one member of the Youth section and the 24 members duly elected among the delegates via three separate ballots for the 8 male members of the NPC, 8 female members of the NPC, and 8 members for (all genders) and national and racial minorities.  Each of the three ballots shall be conducted via “ranked choice voting.”   A fourth separate ballot shall be for the member elected to the NPC by the Youth section members themselves via “ranked choice voting.” 
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By-Laws - Article X. National Political Committee
 
“WHEREAS IT IS just and fair to have DSA practice democracy through “ranked choice voting,”     
BE IT RESOLVED:  
(Deleted portions are marked as (delete    ). 
 
Section 6.
Election of (delete at-large) members of the NPC shall take place at the National Convention under procedures set forth by the Nominating/Personnel Committee. (delete except that preferential voting will be used to elect at-large members of the NPC.)
____________________________________________________________________
 
II. (from Max Sawicky)

My view of the purpose of resolutions is as organizing tools, not only at the convention itself, but in the run-up to the convention, starting ASAP. We have enough statements. We need precise resolutions that invite support, that draw lines favoring us, that rope in natural North Star supporters and pacify hostile SMC people.

So what should the resolutions be? They should be few in number and brief in verbiage. Not quite slogans, but not 'statements' or proclamations either. I avoid process resolutions because 1) I am not familiar with DSA process, and 2) I think they are generally beside the point. Politics dictates process. Here are four possibilities:

1. DSA commits to the defeat of a Republican takeover of Congress by providing material support to Congressional campaigns, given the best allocation of resources, to be decided by local chapters in their diverse local political situations (MBS: I don't see how it could be otherwise. DSA culture seems to preclude centralization beyond the level implied here.).

Elections for state legislatures, since they draw district lines that have a great bearing on the outcomes of elections for the House of Representatives, should be approached in the same way. This need not restrict competition in Democratic Party primaries by candidates closely aligned with DSA priorities. Third party "spoiler" campaigns in general elections should usually be avoided.

2. DSA voices explicit support for the most progressive Democratic Party candidates for Congress in November elections, including 'The Squad,' Greg Casar, Summer Lee, (fill in your own favorites) etc. In keeping with #1, actual deployment of resources in this regard remains a chapter decision.

3. DSA commits to joint work with like-minded progressive organizations to these ends, again a chapter decision as local opportunities arise.

4. Regarding local campaigns, DSA condenses its national platform to four planks that seek to embrace the most pressing priorities and encourage chapters to focus on these priorities. (My own preference would include labor organizing, state government embrace of the ObamaCare Medicaid expansion, police defunding defined as shifting resources from armed police to alternative forms of social intervention, and school boards. Anti-racism would be major themes in the latter three.)

 

By Max B. Sawicky

I did a piece for In These Times on the Biden Administration's student loan relief. Here's a teaser and a link. Please subscribe to ITT.

"On August 24, the Biden White House announced its plan to provide relief for Americans carrying student debt. The amount of debt cancellation may be as much as $20,000 for Pell Grant recipients, and otherwise $10,000, in either case for individuals with annual incomes under $125,000 and married couples earning less than $250,000. There are other features of the plan that will help alleviate the debt burden — such as a 5 percent cap on payments of loans in relation to monthly incomes — but those are the headline numbers."

From Politico;  August 15,2022
​
​After Congress cleared Democrats’ party-line package last week without a provision that would have reformed labor law to allow fines on employers, unions are prepping a last-ditch effort to convince the Senate to hold a vote on the Protecting the Right to Organize Act next month when lawmakers return from August recess.
No one expects them to pass it. But “our folks want to know where people stand, in a more formal way than whatever they'll tell them in a meeting or something back home,” Communication Workers of America’s Dan Mauer told Eleanor Friday. “They really want people to go on the record.”
CWA, SEIU, IUPAT, UAW and other unions are leading the charge as part of the Worker Power Coalition, Mauer said, which also includes other progressive organizations. It has been pushing for floor action on the bill since last year. This time, they’re up against a packed legislative agenda that includes issues like appropriations, policing, and antitrust.
The PRO Act is truly the bill that needs no introduction:Democrats’ holy grail of pro-union labor law reform that would make it far easier for workers to organize. If enacted, it would be the most significant overhaul of U.S. labor law since the 1940s.
​
​
Yet we don’t need to remind you that it’s been stalled in the upper chamber since the House passed it (again) in March 2021. It hasn’t even advanced out of committee.
The Senate version has just 47 cosponsors: 45 Democratic and two independent. One of the remaining three Democrats, Virginia’s Mark Warner, has said publicly he supports the legislation.
“We've got 47 senators who are signed on to the bill; we feel pretty confident about a couple of others,” Mauer said.
But the other two, Arizona’s Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, have stayed very quiet — a reflection of the purple state they represent and the subsequent line they must walk in appeasing members of both parties. Kelly is up for reelection in 2022 — and as the majority seeks to defend and build on their narrow-thin margin, no one wants to stick him between a rock and a hard place by putting him on the record.
As far as actual passage goes, organized labor has its sights set on electing more Democrats willing to eliminate the filibuster and pass the PRO Act with a simple majority, rather than the 60 votes currently required.
“We're awfully close to having a [simple] majority — and we're awfully close to having a majority that doesn't think the filibuster should stand in the way of worker rights,” Mauer said. “Our figuring is that Tim Ryan and Mandela Barnes don’t plan on letting procedural high-jinks stand in the way of fighting workers.”
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s office declined a request for comment.
 
 

This is the most promising moment for the American labor movement in decades. Not only have there been historic union victories at Amazon and Starbucks, but public approval for unions is the highest it’s been in half a century and young workers are showing an extraordinary level of interest in unions. Join leading figures behind this surge in union organizing as we discuss how best to increase worker power and ensure that this promising moment becomes a larger and truly lasting movement. What are the next steps for interested workers and for established unions? What will it take to strengthen the labor movement and make sure it fights for fairness for all workers?
 
https://youtu.be/nXg1EsPS_GE
 

For a few years in the mid-1990s, AFSCME President Gerry McEntee (1935-2022) repositioned American labor and restored some of its clout.
By Harold Meyerson.
 
This is an important  history of part of labor including the role of DSA. It is a major improvement on the misinformation often shared about DSA and labor by newer, less well informed, DSA members and those who were in other left organizations. (ed)
 ….
At the same time, Wurf invested heavily in organizing. Along with teachers’ union president Albert Shanker, Wurf really built what had been the nation’s weak public sector unions into powerhouses—waging strikes and engaging in kindred agitation to the point that cities, counties and states granted their employees the right to collective bargaining. It was one such campaign, waged by the Black sanitation workers in Memphis, to which Martin Luther King, Jr. lent his support, during which he was murdered.
Like Bernie Sanders, Wurf had Brooklyn in his voice and socialism in his heart. The two big wall hangings in his office were photos of Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas. Under his leadership, AFSCME formed a de facto coalition with the United Auto Workers, the Machinists and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers to oppose the Cold War obsessions of Federation Presidents George Meany and then Lane Kirkland’s AFLCIO, making floor fights over such matters as labor’s support for Ronald Reagan’s Central American interventions a regular feature of the Federation’s conventions.
​
https://prospect.org/labor/the-mcentee-moment/

" Sit down, read, educate  yourself for the coming conflicts."  Mother Jones, circa 1914

DSA member DIANA MORENO  In These Times

Socialist feminists don’t want “choice”—we demand full abortion rights for all, without exception.
​ 
In the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, defenders of abortion rights face a stark choice in how to respond. While many politicians and organizations have taken up a liberal individualist position on the question of abortion, by emphasizing personal choice rather than collective rights, it’s critical to highlight an alternative approach: Through a socialist feminist perspective, we can understand and speak about abortion as a class issue that impacts working people everywhere. This approach could help reproductive health activists organize a mass movement strong enough to win free abortion on demand, without apology. 

When feminism is detached from class struggle, it runs the risk of being distorted and commodified into a neoliberal, ​“lean-in” version of feminism that merely celebrates individual women’s achievements under capitalism while ignoring actions that ultimately undermine solidarity. Pop star Beyoncé, for example, can be celebrated for — and profit from — a hit single that quotes feminist writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie while also crossing a picket line to host an Oscars after-party in the face of striking hotel workers calling for a boycott. 

Socialist feminism, meanwhile, is not about individual achievements but rather building collective power in order to achieve liberation and reproductive justice for all. 

Read the rest: https://inthesetimes.com/article/socialism-roe-abortion-dobbs-dsa-reproductive-justice
 

We – the thousands gathered here in active declaration of a rapidly growing front of organized moral fusion power – and in deep solidarity with those rising up across this country, who are demanding a reconstruction of this democracy and a reconstitution of the policy and legal priorities of this nation – say: we are in a time of emergency. We gather in Washington D.C. for a Mass Poor Peoples and Low-Wage Workers’ Assembly and Moral March on Washington and to the Polls in a dark summer, as our democracy is threatened by a state by state coordinated assault on the right to vote and imperiled by open violence, greed, obstruction, distortions, and denial, while more than 140 million poor and low wealth people of every race, creed, religion, in every region of this country are rising up daily against growing indignities, pain, injury, and death at the hands of immoral policies and interlocking injustices.​

 by Liz Weston Democratic Left
​
Today’s ruling on Roe v. Wade came in a week of already-crushing Supreme Court rulings on gun rights, Miranda warnings and school vouchers. This piece, already commissioned by DSA Socialist-Feminists as part of our 40th-anniversary coverage, feels crucial now. If you’re not plugged into your chapter’s pro-abortion action plan, now might be the time. Ed.)
​
The 1973 Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade and the subsequent legalization of abortion across the United States did not end debates and activity around the question of abortion.  Although that decision was partly the result of years of organizing by women’s groups and by medical groups appalled by the rising number of illegal and often back-alley abortions, it did not settle many issues of reproductive rights, such as access to abortion and that of forced sterilization. In fact, those issues became central to the politics of the second half of the 1970s.

DSA Protect Abortion Chapter Toolkit

The DSA National Political Committee condemns today’s Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which eviscerates the right to privacy and bodily autonomy protected by Roe v. Wade for nearly fifty years, a right the vast majority of Americans support and agree should be protected by the Constitution. The far right wing of the Supreme Court, most of whom were appointed by a President who lost the popular vote, has demonstrated beyond all debate that the Court is an illegitimate institution, flouting the will of the people.